Ad for Idea Lobby blogger Emily Badger
Saturday, February 4, 2012   |  Miller-McCune Homepage

close this window


We encourage you to share any articles or material you find on Miller-McCune.com with friends and colleagues. Please fill in the fields below with the name and e-mail address. Then fill in the same information for you. Miller-McCune will not keep any information about you or your friend, and the e-mail your friends receive will appear to have come from your e-mail address. The asterisk (*) denotes a required field.


From:





To:







European Dispatch Politics

November 12, 2009

Sending in the Marines

Counterpiracy strategies, old and new, find historic precedence for both passivity and aggressiveness.


| PRINT | SHARE

NATO, officially, is pleased to have pirates to fight. A mission against sea bandits in the Indian Ocean is not mission creep for the trans-Atlantic alliance, if you talk to its leaders, but a return to origins.

“It is a good task for the navies of NATO,” Commodore Steve Chick said aboard a frigate last September in the Gulf of Aden. “You only need to look back in history three or four hundred years — this is what some of our navies were formed on, counterpiracy, so it is taking us back to our roots there.”

Referring to U.S. and European history in the fight against pirates, though, is a good way to bring up old antagonisms. The pirate problem 300 years ago looked awfully familiar. Vessels from an Islamic part of Africa (Algiers, Tripoli) patrolled a choke-point in world trade (the Strait of Gibraltar) and grew rich on the ransoms their leaders commanded for sailors. Western countries learned to pay tributes to these pirate states for “protection” in the Mediterranean.

By 1800, some American politicians wanted to raid North African shores and whack the “nests of banditti” instead of paying tributes and ransom.

European governments weren’t so sure. “Over the centuries,” wrote Frederick Leiner in his book The End of Barbary Terror, “there had been many costly [European] expeditions to the North African coast, and after all the bombardments and explosions, the deys, beys, and bashaws were still on their thrones, still taking Christian slaves. Far easier and cheaper, the European thinking seemed to run, to regularize the Islamic maritime nuisance than to eradicate it.”

The first foreign intervention for a fledgling American military after the Revolutionary War was an inconclusive series of raids on Tripoli, starting in 1801. The first big success was a coordinated naval assault on Algiers in 1815. With these early missions the new American republic ended the old romantic era of piracy — which the American colonies, only a few generations before, had avidly participated in. (A U.S. Marine battle in the first series of raids found its way into the Marine Corps Hymn: “From the Halls of Montezuma / To the shores of Tripoli.”)

None of the naval groups in the Indian Ocean — the EU, NATO or an American coalition based in Bahrain — intends to raid the shores of Somalia, in spite of a general acknowledgement that naval patrols won’t be enough. “Even if thousands of ships assembled here, there’s nothing they can do about it,” a former governor of Puntland in Somalia, Adde Muse, told a British documentary filmmaker for the U.K.’s Channel 4 last year. “The only effective way is to wage a land war, to attack their camps and bases on the mainland.”

A Somalia expert at the International Crisis Group, E.J. Hogendoorn, agreed. “The first U.S. foreign intervention was … to tackle the piracy problem that was impacting commerce,” he said. “And to be perfectly honest, there’s a certain point where — you know, why don’t they do it [in Somalia]?”

Hogendoorn wasn’t advocating an attack on Somalia. He was trying to explain national interests. “There’s really no incentive on any one of these actors’ [parts] to aggressively go after this problem,” he went on. “To some degree, the shipping owners are happy to pay ransom because they don’t want deaths on their hands. They’re not really paying it, the insurance company’s paying it — and the insurance company doesn’t mind paying it because they’ll just cover those losses by increasing their premiums. … There’s someone sitting at a desk in England, and they’re doing the math. They can cover these costs. Lloyds [of London] is not going out of business because of piracy.”

The other complication is that Somalia has no single, functioning government. A raid on “pirate nest” towns like Eyl or Haradheere might rearrange Somalia’s pirate business, but not eliminate it. Somalis on the coast nevertheless think a U.S. invasion is imminent. “In Eyl,” says the narrator of the Channel 4 documentary, The Pirates of Somalia, “the locals fear the Americans could bomb at any minute, and kill civilians.”

They won’t. The pirate war isn’t hot enough. In this sense the Western navies are quite aware of their history. One nasty aspect of the old North African pirate trade was that deys and bashaws put their Christian hostages to work as slaves. Somali pirates are kinder and gentler than that: They just want money, and money is one thing the West can provide.

Sign up for the free Miller-McCune.com e-newsletter.

“Like” Miller-McCune on Facebook.

Follow Miller-McCune on Twitter.

Add Miller-McCune.com news to your site.

Subscribe to Miller-McCune

 

word on the street

Post your comment here

more in this section

also by this author

Michael Scott Moore

Michael Scott Moore was a 2006-2007 Fulbright fellow for journalism in Germany, and The Economist named his surf travelogue, "Sweetness and Blood," a ...

Lowering Flags of Convenience for Fish Poachers

New international measures to end fish poaching on the high seas would enforce laws where the poacher calls, not where their ships are registered.

Something’s Fishy About That Red Snapper

Preventing seafood fraud won’t be easy, but a new law has potential to stop fish poaching and laundering, which involves mislabeling fish in restaurants.

Neo-Nazis and ‘Defensive Democracy’

Germany’s Office for the Protection of the Constitution, similar to America’s FBI, isn’t doing its job against all the threats its homeland faces.

America Edges to Brink of Armed Police Drones

Europeans are lagging the United States in using aerial drones for police work – and they don’t really mind.

Oklahoma Earthquakes and the Wages of Fracking

European experiences offer hints as to whether high seismicity in the U.S. oil patch is related to new gas extraction methods.

Receive 1 year (6 issues) of our print magazine for just $14.95. Miller-McCune features polished, in-depth reports on research and solutions across the policy spectrum — from health care, education and energy to international affairs, poverty and the global economy. It's a must read for well-informed and solutions-driven individuals.

Loading

follow us on:

join our newsletter:

from the source

Numerology Doesn’t Know the Score

Various ways of assigning numbers to events, people, and actions is an ancient parlor game, but let’s not take it beyond that.

Conservatives’ Politics of Fear a Biological Response

Researchers looking at how we fixate on threats uncover more evidence of a biological component to the red-blue divide.

Morning People May Be More Creative in the Afternoon

New research finds problems that require a flash of illumination to solve are best approached during the time of day when you’re not at your peak.

Supreme Court Calls For New Try on Texas Districts

Texas Republicans won Friday as the Supreme Court rejected a judicially drawn redistricting map, but not for the reasons you might think.

Private Prisons Can’t Lock In Savings

A report from The Sentencing Project argues that a primary driver for privatizing corrections isn’t really paying off.